The Fifth Protocol --
"We will so wear out and exhaust the Gentiles by all this that they will be compelled to offer us an international authority, which by its position will enable us to absorb without disturbance all the governmental forces of the world and thus form a super-government.
"We must so direct the education of Gentile society that its hands will drop in the weakness of discouragement in the face of any undertaking where initiative is needed."
Chapter 5.
THE JEWISH POLITICAL PROGRAM
Theodor Herzl, one of the greatest of the Jews and founder of modern Zionism, was perhaps the farthest-seeing public exponent of the philosophy of Jewish existence that modern generations have known. He was never in doubt of the existence of the Jewish nation. He proclaimed its existence on every occasion. He said, "We are a people - One people."
He clearly saw that what he called the Jewish Question was political. In his introduction to "The Jewish State" he says:
"I believe that I understand anti-Semitism, which is really a highly complex movement. I consider it from a Jewish standpoint, yet without fear or hatred. I believe that I can see what elements there are in it of vulgar sport, of common trade jealousy, of inherited prejudice, of religious intolerance and also of pretended defense. I think the Jewish Question is no more a social than a religious one, notwithstanding that it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is a national question, which can only be solved by making it a political world-question to be discussed and controlled by the civilized nations of the world in council."
Not only did Herzl declare that the Jews formed a nation, but in relating the action of this Jewish nation to the world Herzl wrote:
"When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse."
This view, which appears to be the true view in that it is the view which has been longest sustained in Jewish thought, is brought out also by Lord Eustace Percy, and re-published, apparently with approval, by the Canadian "Jewish Chronicle." It will repay careful reading.
"Liberalism and Nationalism, with a flourish of trumpets, threw open the doors of the ghetto and offered equal citizenship to the Jew. The Jew passed out into the Western World, saw the power and the glory of it, used it and enjoyed it, laid his hand indeed upon the nerve centers of its civilization, guided, directed and exploited it, and then - refused the offer . . . Moreover - and this is a remarkable thing - the Europe of nationalism and liberalism, of scientific government and democratic equality is more intolerable to him than the old oppressions and persecutions of despotism . . .
"In a world of completely organized territorial sovereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible cities of refuge: he must either pull down the pillars of the whole national state system or he must create a territorial sovereignty of his own. In this perhaps lies the explanation both of Jewish Bolshevism and of Zionism, for at this moment Eastern Jewry seems to hover uncertainly between the two. In Eastern Europe Bolshevism and Zionism often seem to grow side by side, just as Jewish influence molded Republican and Socialist thought throughout the nineteenth century, down to the Young Turk revolution in Constantinople hardly more than a decade ago - not because the Jew cares for the positive side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to be a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because no existing Gentile system of government is ever anything but distasteful to him."
All that is true, and Jewish thinkers of the more fearless type always recognize it as true. The Jew is against the Gentile scheme of things. He is, when he gives his tendencies full sway, a Republican as against the monarchy, a Socialist as against the republic, and a Bolshevist as against socialism.
What are the causes of this disruptive activity? First, his essential lack of democracy. Jewish nature is autocratic. Democracy is all right for the rest of the world, but the Jew wherever he is found forms an aristocracy of one sort or another. Democracy is merely a tool of a word which Jewish agitators use to raise themselves to the ordinary level in places where they are oppressed below it; but having reached the common level they immediately make efforts for special privileges, as being entitled to them - a process which the late Peace Conference (Versailles: Ed.) will remain the most startling example. The Jews today are the only people whose special and extraordinary privileges are written into the world's Treaty of Peace. (Original published in July, 1920: refer also to the present United Nations: Editor).
In all the explanations of anti-Jewish feeling which modern Jewish spokesmen make, these three alleged causes are commonly given - these three and no more: religious prejudice, economic jealousy, social antipathy. Whether the Jew knows it or not, every Gentile knows that on his side of the Jewish Question no religious prejudice exists. Economic jealousy may exist, at least to this extent, that his uniform success has exposed the Jew to much scrutiny. The finances of the world are in control of Jews; their decisions and their devices are themselves our economic law.
Economic jealousy may explain some of the anti-Jewish feeling; it cannot account for the presence of the Jewish Question except as the hidden causes of Jewish financial success may become a minor element of the larger problem. And as for social antipathy - there are many more undesirable Gentiles in the world than there are undesirable Jews, for the simple reason that there are many more Gentiles.
None of the Jewish spokesmen mention the political cause, or if they come within suggestive distance of it, they limit it and localize it. The political element inheres in the fact that the Jews form a nation in the midst of the nations. It is not the fact that the Jews remain a nation in the midst of the nations; it is the USE made of that inescapable status, which the world has found to be reprehensible. The nations have tried to reduce the Jews to unity with themselves, but destiny seems to have marked them out to continuous nationhood. Both the Jews and the World will have to accept that fact. The Jewish world program, and the political basis of anti-Jewish feeling which that program creates, is exposed by Jewish cosmopolitanism with regard to the world, and by Jewish nationalistic integrity with regard to themselves.
JEWISH NATIONALISM AND THE PROTOCOLS
No one now pretends to deny, except a few spokesmen who really do not rule the thought of the Jews but are set forth for the sole benefit of influencing Gentile thought, that the socially and economically disruptive elements abroad in the world today are not only manned but also monied by Jewish interests.
For a long time this fact was held in suspense owing to the vigorous denial of the Jews and the lack of information on the part of those agencies of publicity to which the public looked for its information. But now the facts are coming forth. Herzl's words are being proved to be true - "when we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party." These words were first published in English in 1896!
Just now these tendencies are working in two directions, one for the tearing down of the Gentile states all over the world, the other for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The latter project engaged the attention of the whole world. The Zionists make a great deal of noise about Palestine, but it can scarcely be designated as more than an unusually ambitious colonization scheme. The Jewish "home" idea so sedulously cultivated is a very useful smokescreen for the confiscation of the immeasurable sources of mineral and oil wealth. It is also serving as a very useful public screen for the carrying on of secret activities.
International Jews, the controllers of the world's governmental and financial power, may meet anywhere, at any time, in war or peace time, and by giving out that they are only considering the ways and means of opening up Palestine to the Jews, they easily escape the suspicion of being together on any other business.
Though Jewish nationalism exists, its enshrinement in a state to be set up in Palestine is not the project that is engaging the whole Jewish nation. The Jews will not move into Palestine just yet; they will not move in at all merely because of the Zionist movement. Quite another motive will be the cause of the exodus out of the Gentile nations, when the time for that exodus fully comes.
The world has long suspected - at first only a few, then the secret departments of the governments, next the intellectuals among the people, now more and more the common people themselves - that not only are the Jews a nation distinct from all other nations and mysteriously unable to sink their nationality by any means they or the world may adopt to this end, but that they also constitute a STATE; that they are nationally conscious, not only, but consciously united for a common defense for a common purpose. Revert to Herzl's definition of the Jewish nation as held together by a common enemy, and then reflect that this common enemy is the Gentile world! Does this people which knows itself to be a nation remain loosely unorganized in the face of that fact? It would hardly be like Jewish astuteness in other fields! The interest of the Protocols is their bearing on the questions: Have the Jews an organized world system ? What is its policy ? How is it being worked?
These questions all receive full attention in the Protocols. Whosoever was the mind that conceived them possessed a knowledge of human nature, of history and of statecraft which is dazzling in its brilliant completeness, and terrible in the objects to which it turns its powers. If, indeed, one mind alone conceived them. It is too terribly real for fiction, too well-sustained for speculation, too deep in its knowledge of the secret springs of life for forgery. Jewish attacks upon it thus far make much of the fact that it came out of Russia. That is hardly true. It came by way of Russia.
The internal evidence makes it clear that the Protocols were not written by a Russian, nor originally in the Russian language, nor under the influence of Russian conditions, but they found their way to Russia and were first published there about 1905 by a Professor Nilus, who attempted to interpret the Protocols by events then going forward in Russia.
They have been found by diplomatic officers in manuscript in all parts of the world. Wherever Jewish power is able to do so, it has suppressed them, sometimes under the extreme penalty.
Their persistence is a fact which challenges the mind Sheer lies do not live long, their power soon dies. The Protocols are more alive than ever. They have penetrated higher places than ever before. They have compelled a more Serious attitude to them than ever before. The Protocols are a World Program - there is no doubt anywhere of that - whose program is stated within the articles themselves. But as for outer confirmation, which would be the more valuable - a signature, or six signatures, or twenty signatures, or a 50-year unbroken line of effort fulfilling that program?
The point of interest for this and other countries is not that a "criminal or a madman" conceived such a program but that, when conceived, this program found means of getting itself fulfilled in its most important particulars. The document is comparatively unimportant; the conditions to which it calls attention are of a very high degree of importance.